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THE CASTE SYSTEM 
In India we come across a special type of social stratification in the form of castes. The caste system finds its origin in the Spanish word “CASTA” mean people belonging to the same breed. A caste may be defined as a collection of families, bearing a common name, which usually devotes or is associated with specific occupation claiming common descent from a mythical ancestor- human or divine, professing to follow the same professional calling and are regarded by those who are competent to give an opinion as forming single and homogeneous community. 

The caste system in India draws its origin from Rig Vedic period, when the division of society into the four classes the priest(BRAHAMANA), warrior ( KSHATRIYA), peasant ( VAISHYA) and serf (SHUDRA) - -   was regarded as fundamental and divinely ordained. In the caste system, also known as early VARNA VYAVASHTHA, four VARNAS of India developed out of very early Aryan class divisions. The underlying principle of caste stressed the alignment of man with the entity of his group life. In the beginning, the social divisions in India were not hereditary and were only functional divisions. The phrase VARNASHRAMA DHARMA means that Dharma is not same for different groups. But slowly Indian caste system underwent by endogamous unity, with a hierarchical gradation of society, BRAHMANS at the apex, followed by KSHATRIYA and VAISHYA and SHUDRA at the base.  The BRAHMINS dominated the social life as well as retained exclusive rights over the ritual performances. The task of KSHATRIYA  was to protect people, VAISHYA was to breed cattle, till the earth, pursue trade and lend money and SHUDRA was to serve the other three classes. 

The PURUSHASUKTA mentions four classes emerging from the different parts of the body of the primeval man - - the BRAHAMANA from the mouth, the KSHATRIYA from shoulders,  the VAISHYA from thighs and the SHUDRA from the feet. The principle of inequality is the fundamental principal of the caste system.  

TRANSFROMATION OF VARNA SYSTEM INTO CASTE SYSTEM:

Caste means Jati. It is connected with the Varna system but the two are different. Varna ashrama was a well – conceived social structure and was not of divine   origin. It ws not  on, hereditary and represented only functional division. Later on , these divisions became more rigid and led to the emergence of caste system. The probable  factors which may have contributed to the emergence and development of caste system are - -  racial purity, ideas of purity and pollution, belief in reincarnation and the doctrine of karma, hereditary  occupations, racial prejudices, clash of cultures etc.

The outstanding features of caste system are as follows:

1. Segment Division of Society:  Indian society is divided into different segments, the membership of which is determined by birth, not by wealth or position. Caste decides about the code of conduct and behaviour of each caste and also decides about taboos. 
2. Group Hierarchy:  in a caste system, there is a hierarchy of groups which is on the basis of rituals, status, purity and impurity. It believes that certain castes are pure than others and each individual is required to act within standard fixed norms.
3. Endogamy: a person born in a caste remains in it for life and dies in it. Every caste is subdivided in sub castes, every one of which forbids its members to marry outside it.  Marriage outside one’s own caste is forbidden.
4. Restrictions on Feeding and Social Intercourse: in the caste system, there are restrictions on feeding and social intercourse and minute rules are laid down with regard to the kind of food that can be accepted by a person and from what caste. Food cooked and served by members belonging to a   lower caste is generally not taken by higher castes.  The theory of pollution being communicated by some castes to higher castes place severe restrictions with regard to distances.
5. Idea of Purity: one of the axial features of the caste system is the maintenance of purity in daily living.  Different sets of principles are set for assessment of purity.  Thus, among some groups particular occupations are considered to be impure and hence unbecoming of high castes to follow. Besides occupation, the idea of purity affects food, interaction rituals etc.
6. Restrictions on Occupation: in caste system,   each caste wants to have monopoly and purity of occupations and is not required to change the occupation. Usually it is expected that a person belonging to a particular caste will follow his caste occupation only.

Beyond the above discussed four classes comes the “untouchables”, “outcastes” or what later came to be known as “depressed classes” and “schedules castes”. Like caste, it is also very difficult to define untouchability. It started with the coming of the Aryans who were very advanced and civilized people.  

Special efforts were made during the post independence era to end untouchability. So far as constitutional provisions are concerned Article 17 of the constitution says that the practice of untouchability in every form is prohibited. But one cannot say about its original abolition.

PRIVATISATION 
For the last four decades, India has been pursuing a path in which the public sector was expected to be the engine of growth.  But now, it is accused to have failed miserably in achieving its goal and so disenchantment is growing.  

THE PRINCIPAL CHARGES AGAINST THE PSU’s: 
The principal charges against the public sector are: low rate of return on investment, declining contribution to national savings, poor capacity utilization, over-staffing and bureaucratization leading to excessive delays and wastage of scarce resources. 

Performance of PSU 
It was stated in various plan documents that PSUs should earn a rate of return of 12 per cent per annum. But gross profit as a percentage of capital employed ranged between 4 to 8 per cent till 1980-81. During the seventh plan period the gross profit was 12 to 13 per cent. This was because the petroleum sector which accounted for 18.4 per cent of capital employed provided 40.5 per cent of total gross profit earned by all public sector undertakings. The performance of all other sectors was well below the targeted level of 12% gross rate of return. The operational efficiency of state government enterprises revealed that they were perennial loss makers. The chief culprits among them’ were: State Electricity Boards, Irrigation Works and Road Transport Corporation. The situation is distressing and is the cumulative result of the poor performance and absence of any remedial action taken to alleviate the situation. 

The failure of public sector is glaring in respect of savings. After 39 years of planning, the public sector contributes only 8% of the- nation’s saving: that also in part, through heavy taxation and semi-fictitious profits of reserve bank. The remaining 92% of the nation’s saving came from the private sector. 

The PSUs show a mixed record judged by the criterion of capacity utilization. There are high performates like Indian Oil Corporation, National Textile Corporation and in news-print who can equal any private sector undertaking in terms of efficiency, absorption of advanced technology and even in surplus generation along with a better deal for its employees.

There are of course scores of low performates who bring the overall standing of PSUs down. 

Causes of non-performance: The major problems faced by public sector enterprises could be summed up as under: 

The freedom for decision-making by PSU managers was extremely limited because of political interference. Consequently inordinate delays resulting in inefficiencies, lack of capacity, utilisation and low productivity took place. 

Pricing policies in a number of public sector enterprises are not guided by rational economic consideration. Social and political constraints compel public enterprises to charge uneconomic prices resulting in losses. This being the position especially in PEs catering to infrastructure like power, irrigation, ‘public transport, etc. 

Public enterprises can afford soft budget options because their losses can be met out of the general revenues. In view of the availability of this option and absence of competition, the pressure to take bard economic decisions is conspicuous by its absence. 

The managers of public enterprises tend to become procedure oriented rather than outcome oriented.

As a consequence of all these factors the element of subsidisation of the public sector assumed intolerable proportion.

As a reaction to the inefficient working of state owned enterprises, the wave of privatisation has spread all over the world. 

India, in order to lift its lower rate of growth of3 percent per annum to a sustainably higher one, abandoned its reliance on the public sector and shifted attention to privatisation. 

Meaning and Scope of Privatisation 
Privatisation is the general process of involving the private sector in the ownership or operation of a state owned enterprise. Thus privatisation covers three sets of measures: 

(a) Ownership measures: The sets of measures which transfer ownership of public enterprises, fully or partially, lead to privatisation. The higher the proportion of transfer of ownership to-the individual, co-operative or corporate sector, the greater is the degree of privatisation. This can take three forms such as total denationalization, joint venture and liquidation. Management buy-out is a special version of denationalization.

It implies sale of assets to the employees. 

(b) Organisational Measures: A number of organizational measures are conceived to limit the state control. A holding company structure may be so designed that the government limits its control interventions to apex level decisions and leaves the operating companies within the arrangement to a sufficient degree of autonomy in decision-making within the framework of the market forces. Sometimes a very big monolithic organisation is split into smaller units without loss of economies of scale. Although the smaller units comprise of a family, but they become independent in certain product lines or regional operations. 

A public enterprise while retaining ownership may lease out to private bidders for a specific period for use. The government enjoys the right of obtaining profits as per agreement; on the other hand, tenure ownership is expected to lead to improved efficiency or lower costs of operation. In case a particular bidder fails. To come up to the expectations of the government, the latter reserves the right to replace him with a more promising bidder. 

To bring public sector enterprises under market discipline, it would be desirable to go in for two forms of restructuring: 

(i) Financial restructuring can be affected in the sense that accumulated losses are written off and capital composition is rationalist in respect of debt equity ratio. 

(ii) Basic restructuring may be affected by redefining a set of commercial activities which the enterprise will undertake henceforth. 

(c) Operational Measures: To improve efficiency of the organization, even when full denationalisation has not been undertaken, operational measures can be taken. The measures include grant of autonomy to PEs in decision-making, provision of incentives to blue collar as well as white collar employees consistent with increase in efficiency or productivity, development of proper investment criteria and permitting PEs to go to capital markets to raise funds. The basic purpose of these measures of operational privatisation is to bring about a drastic reform and reduce government control over the enterprise. 

The upshot of the list of measures enunciated above is that while privatisation is more often equated with transfer of ownership, the critical manifestation of privatisation is the transfer of managerial control to private hands, individual or co-operative. 

The Indian Experiment 
Though it has been long felt that some amount of Privatisation is to be injected into the public sector to make them viable, it was not until 1991 that anything worth noting happened. The Government announced 20 per cent disinvestment in public sector undertaking as a first step towards privatisation. In the industrial policy 1991; the Government limited the priority areas for public sector and hence allowed competition in the fields where public sector was enjoying monopoly previously. 

Some Public Enterprises which are chronically sick and which are unlikely to be turned around are planned to be referred to the Board for Industrial and Financial Reconstruction (BIFR) for the formulation of revival/rehabilitation schemes. 

Voluntary Retirement Schemes (VRS) have been floated to get rid of labour from the overstaffed PEs. During 1993-94 budget the government allowed selected public sector banks like SBI to raise funds from capital markets by floating equities. The boards of public sector companies are being made more professional. 

The Difficulties of Privatisation 
Although there is a strong rhetoric in favour of privatisation, in reality it is becoming increasingly difficult to push through proposals of privatisation. 

Firstly, in India with the emergence of strong trade unions, privatisation in the sense of denationalisation is not considered possible. Strong resistance by worker’s union is being organised against privatisation proposals from time to time. In a democratic set-up it would not be possible to carry out privatisation in blatant disregard of the interests of workers, because privatisation involves pruning of labour strength. In doing so the welfare motive of the government is questioned. 

The workers who loose their job especially through closure have had in almost all cases, nothing to fall back on. The absence of social security system in India, as against well organised social security systems in the developed countries is the potent reason why the trade unions are against schemes of retrenchment or voluntary retirement. 

A relevant question that may be raised is : why would the private sector be willing to take a loss making sick unit? It is only an excuse to appropriate the real estate attached with these units that it would make use of the land and other physical assets to start fresh undertakings. This implies that the principal objective of privatisation which is to infuse the commercial spirit in PSU may not be achieved and revival of the sick unit may not be the priority for the private sector. 

The point is that there is a serious crisis of management that has plagued the public as well as the private sector. Privatisation of PSUs would not be of any help so long as there is this crisis of good management. And if we succeed in evolving an efficient management culture and practices probably the issue of privatisation will be irrelevant since in that environment both the public sector and the private sector would be working efficiently. 

In India, privatisation is not considered as a panacea f, the present ills of the economy. Neither do people have -excessive faith in the market forces. In view of the historical background of public enterprises in India, it is inconceivable that privatisation in the country will be accepted by the society as an end in itself. The real issues center on alleviation poverty and upgrading of technology in a highly differentia’ society of continental dimensions. Ibis implies that privatisation will have to be viewed essentially as the best possible mea achieving pre-determined ends, and ensuring that it does distort the parameters of such ends.

INDIAN FOOD: WHAT IS COOKED IN INDIA? 

Energy rich rice has been the staple food of India since the earliest times. It is easy to cook and blends well with vegetables, pulses and meats. There are three main varieties of rice: the short grained colam rice, used in most of East, West and South India; the long grained Basmati, used mainly in North India, and the parboiled rice used mainly in the coastal regions of South India. 

There are mainly two recipes - one, Plain Rice and the other, Rice with Potato and Cauliflower. However, you can prepare Pulao with almost all vegetables (carrots, French beans, peas etc.) following the basic method.

Pulses: Protein rich pulses are a must in the Indian meal because they offer much of the nutritional material required for the upkeep of our body system at a lower cost - they are substantially cheaper than meats. The word pulses actually include both whole and split pulses like sabat urad (whole black gram), Chana dal (split Bengal gram) with or without skin, lentils like arhar dal (red gram) and dried beans like rajma (kidney beans). Whole pulses and dried beans take considerable time to cook.

Hours of open pot cooking are just reduced to mere minutes when cooked in a pressure cooker- the most common way it is cooked in an Indian home. The rich variety of pulses and different methods of preparation give you a wide choice for selecting the recipe suitable to your taste. Because of their distinct flavours and soft textures, pulses can also be used as a base for delicious vegetarian soups. There are recipes which use pulses individually or in combinations, ranging from Chana Dal and Rajma to Panchratan and Ma-ki-Dal.

VEGETARIAN DISHES 
Vegetables are valuable chiefly because of their mineral and vitamin contents, notably Vitamin A and C. However, most of this vitamins and mineral content is lost in the conventional open pot cooking; however, the use of pressure cooker is immensely beneficial vegetables retain their nutritive elements better when pressure cooked. This is because a minimum of water is used and the cooking process is barely a few minutes. In addition the vegetables retain their bright natural colours and rich flavours.

Most vegetables tend to cook very fast because of their soft and succulent structure. Hence, follow the timings of the recipes precisely. If you are adapting your own vegetable recipes, it is better to undercook rather than overcook. Overcooking not only ruins the taste but also cannot be reversed. The best way would be to open your cooker one or two minutes before the expected time, check the tenderness of the vegetables, and if not done, bring the cooker to full pressure and cook for a minute or two longer than the expected time.

Remember that you can cook more than one vegetable at a time provided the vegetables have the same cooking time. If the timings are slightly different, you may slow down or speed up cooking by either cutting the vegetables thickly or thinly. If you are using vegetables that have already lost moisture, pre-soak them in cold water for a few minutes so that some of the moisture is restored.

Given below is a list of commonly used vegetables

1. Beetroot
2. Bottle Gourd
3. Brinjal
4. Cabbage
5. Carrots
6. Carrots
7. Cauliflower
8. Cauliflower
9. Corn on Cob
10. French beans
11. Peas
12. Potatoes
13. Spinach  

NON-VEGETARIAN DISHES 
Non-vegetarian food is loved by a large number of North Indians.

CHICKEN: The chicken is rendered both succulent and delectable. Before cooking the typical North Indian dishes, the chicken should be skinned, washed and wiped dry. This allows spices to penetrate into the flesh. Both broilers and fresh farm chickens are used. 

Recipes are of both the dry type like Murgh Hyderabadi as well as the curry type like Rasedaar Murghi.While curry type goes well with rice, chapaties or naans, the dry chicken tastes best with tandoori rotis.

MEATS: Some typical North Indian favourites like Mutton Curry, Saag Gosht and Rogan Josh. Meat combined with rice or vegetables as in Yakhni Pulao and Kheema Matar is also very popular. As the meat available is generally of varying tenderness, cooking timings may vary in the degree of “doneness” desired, depending on the

thickness and tenderness of the meat and the extent of prefrying. The meat should be washed and wiped dry before cooking.

FISH: North Indian cuisine generally contains fish that is fried or of the tandoori type. Fish Curry typical of Goa and a Fish in Mustard and Curd recipe - the Iilish Sarso Bata -a hot favourite amongst Bengalis. You will also find a few other non-vegetarian items like Beef and Pork (Beef Curry - Mangalorean Style and Pork Vindaloo - Goan Style) in the Indian cousine. 

SWEET DISHES: Sweets of all kinds are very popular in India and are eaten at the end of a meal. In some parts of India, they are one of the items for breakfast. And when one thinks of an Indian festival, one cannot but conjure up visions of a variety of multi-coloured mouth watering sweets. The sweet dish must complement and even compete with all the items that have gone before it. It may surprise you but it is a fact that a wide variety of delicious sweets and desserts are cooked. Kheer and other milk based puddings are also considered as sweet dishes in India. 

If you turn to the Other Indian Recipes, you will find 3 more sweets to choose from: Lapsi - a novel presentation of broken wheat or dahliya, Rasogolla - the famous Bengali delicacy that is fresh cottage cheese balls in syrup, and Semiya Payasam: a South Indian variation of the North Indian Kheer.

WHAT AILS INDIAN SPORTS AND GAMES? 

One of the greatest” degradations that has occurred in our country during the second half of the twentieth century, has been in the field of sports and games. The” only performance of note has been the gold medal in hockey won at the Moscow Olympics in 1980 and the triumph at the 1983 World Cup Cricket Championships in England.

But these occasional triumphs do not augur well for the future of Indian sports. A nation of 1.2 billion has not been able to produce a sportsperson or athlete of international standards even after five decades of independence. In today’s new climate of peace, a nation’s achievements in sports are valued far above its arsenal or military might. We have, however, lagged behind in every field in spite of a large potential manpower. 

What does really ail Indian sports? With a few honourable exceptions like cricket, chess and tennis (where, even at the best of times, our performance has been erratic to say the least), our sportspersons and athletes like the ‘Flying Sikh’ Milkha Singh and the ‘Sprint Queen’ P.T. Usha have failed to find a mention in the international medal tally, in spite of their best efforts and glowing eulogies at home. The chances of our doing well or making a mark in the international arena remain grim till date. At home also, the standard in regional, state-level and national-level games is fast deteriorating.

The malady, indeed, is deep rooted. The first and the foremost cause is the poor state of our economy. We cannot spot, nourish and nurture talent even in the initial stages. Whoever hits the spotlight is, by and large, a fluke. He or she has done it on one’s own merit. For instance, our cricket hero Kapil Dev has come up’ against all odds to make a mark in international cricket. Privatisation or sponsorship of the various games and sports is the only answer especially when we cannot spare enough funds for sporting activities in the country.

Today, when about less than 25% of our population lives below the poverty line, the nation cannot spare funds from other developmental activities to sponsor sports. In such a scenario, privatisation of sports and games is the only remedy. It is done in the United States and the rest of the developed world. We can also do this if we wish sports and games to flourish in this country. 

The second cause of the fast-deteriorating standards in Indian sports is the politicisation of sports. Regionalism, linguism and favoritism are all visible, when any selection for a national or international event is made. This coupled with the lack of basic infrastructure, has hindered any progress in this direction. While we have gone in for huge stadia like the Jawaharlal Nehru Stadium in New Delhi for the 1982 Asiad, we have sadly neglected building small stadia and arenas in the rural and semi-urban centers, to encourage sporting talent in the initial stages. And such talent, whenever it comes to the fore, is grossly neglected at the time of selection for any event because they do not fit into any caste, region, language or group considerations of the selectors. This is a major shortcoming at the moment. A recent example is tussle between the BCCI and upcoming ICL where former is working for the game of cricket in the country and the latter is coming up with the plans to do so but they are not on the same page. 

Then, there is a lack of professionalism in our sportspersons; they lack the competitive spirit and are prone to rest on their laurels. Very few of our sportspersons keep up the strict regimen in respect of diet and training once they have achieved some name and fame. A medal here or a medal there is all they can achieve in lifetime before fading away into oblivion. The acme of their achievement is the Arjuna Award. How many chess grandmasters like Viswanathan Anand or cueists of international repute like Geet Sethi has the country produced? Our sportspersons, who have kept up the initial promise, can be counted on fingertips. 

Parental emphasis on studies, at the expense of sports and game, is another cause for the desperate straits in which Indian sports and games find themselves today. A sportsperson is considered no good unless he or she is academically above par, if not brilliant. A good sportsperson, who does not fare well in studies, is always looked down upon as an idler or no-gooder. Added to it is the lack of sports consciousness in the Indian mind. Our duty is to create an awareness of sports and games in the minds of the people if things are to improve in times to come. Otherwise we are likely to sink deeper into the morass with the passage of time. 

It is true our achievements in the sports have been negligible, but it is also true that there is no lack of talent in our country. If healthy atmosphere is created and selections properly made we can do a lot in this field. Simply to honour the outstanding sports persons at functions or staging international sports will not serve our purpose.

We should extend every possible facility to our sportspersons and encourage them to take up sports and games more seriously.

Jantar Mantar

The name is derived from yantra, instrument, and mantra, for chanting; hence the ‘the chanting instrument’. It is sometimes said to have been originally yantra mantra, mantra being translated as formula, although there is limited justification for this since in traditional spoken Jaipur language, the locals obfuscate the written ‘Y’ syllable as ‘J’.
The observatory consists of fourteen major geometric devices for measuring time, predicting eclipses, tracking stars in their orbits, ascertaining the declinations of planets, and determining the celestial altitudes and related ephemerides. Each is a fixed and ‘focused’ tool. The Samrat Jantar, the largest instrument, is 90 feet high, its shadow carefully plotted to tell the time of day. Its face is angled at 27 degrees, the latitude of Jaipur. The Hindu chhatri (small domed cupola) on top is used as a platform for announcing eclipses and the arrival of monsoons.
Built of local stone and marble, each instrument carries an astronomical scale, generally marked on the marble inner lining; bronze tablets, all extraordinarily accurate, were also employed. Thoroughly restored in 1901, the Jantar Mantar was declared a national monument in 1948.
An excursion through Jai Singh’s Jantar is the singular one of walking through solid geometry and encountering a collective weapons system designed to probe the heavens

The instruments are in most cases huge structures. They are built on a large scale so that accuracy of readings can be obtained. The samrat yantra, for instance, which is a sundial, can be used to tell the time to an accuracy of about two seconds in Jaipur local time.  It is considered the largest sundial in the world.  Today the main purpose of the observatory is to function as a tourist attraction.

The Jantar Mantar is a collection of architectural astronomical instruments, built by Maharaja Jai Singh II at his then new capital of Jaipur between 1727 and 1733. It is modelled after the one that he had built for him at the then Mughal capital of Delhi. He had constructed a total of five such labs at different locations, including the ones at Delhi and Jaipur. The Jaipur observatory is the largest of these.

Jai Singh’s idea was to create a rebirth of practical astronomy among the Indian masses and practicing astronomers. However, the lofty ideals of the Jantar Mantar remained unfulfilled as the country at that time was in chaos and the full potential of this observatory was never realized. In the beginning, Jai Singh tried to use brass instruments in this observatory, but soon gave them up because of several inherent flaws. They were too small; for one thing, their axes were unstable so the center often got displaced. He then decided to follow the style adopted by the renowned Arab astronomer, Prince Ulugh Beg, builder of the famous 15th century observatory at Samarkand, Uzbekistan. The massive masonry instruments at Samarkand suited Jai Singh’s architectural tastes and promised to be more accurate because of sheer size. In 1730, Jai Singh sent a mission to the king of Lisbon. On its return to Jaipur, the mission brought back a telescope and the court astronomer by the name of Xavier de Silva. This unique observatory was completed in 1724 and remained operational only for seven years.

SANGHOL

Sanghol is a village in tehsil Khamano located in Fatehgarh Sahib District of Punjab. It is also known as Ucha Pind Sanghol. It is about 40 km from Chandigarh on the way to Ludhiana. This place holds a special position on the archeological atlas of India. Excavations at the site have yielded coins and seats related to Nomadic rulers.

Toramana and Mahiragula belonging to central Asia. Buddhist stupas was excavated in 1968, but in February 1985 a rich treasure of 117 beautiful caryed stoneslabs, pillars, crossbars, figures and figurines were excavated by the experts of the Directorate of Archaeology, Punjab. Scholars have related them to Kushan Sculptures of the Mathura school of 1st and 2n century A.D. These treasures have since been displayed for art lovers and historians in the museum of sanghol.

Places of Interest

• Site Excavation at village named ‘Ucha Pind Sanghol’.
• Archeological Museum at Sanghol (district Ludhiana)

The ground floor gallery exhibits the most important items of antiquities other than the stone sculptures. The pride of the Sanghol Museum, the stone sculptures, are displayed in the upper gallery. The antiquities in the ground floor gallery have been arranged chronologically to highlight the development of socio-cultural and religious facts of the regional manifestations of the heritage of Punjab.
Apart from the actual objects, a large number of charts, graphs, photographs, maps, and drawings have been displayed to supplement the viewing of the actual objects. Each of the items is given a label disclosing its identification and chronological placement. The methodology has been as per the latest display techniques followed in museums of the type. At the entry point has been displayed a Master Chart containing a brief history and important details of Sanghol as an archaeological site and of the objects obtained from the place.

The earthen-wares are posts and vases of varying sizes.  Large size bricks or tiles with deep marks of 3 fingers have been found at the place.  Other articles include grinding-stone, votive tanks and clay seals.  A large carved red sand stone trough has also been found at the place.

The antiquities accidentally dug out or found from the surface of Sanghol clearly indicate that the site was a flourishing town in early times.  Perhaps it was abandoned several times.  Hence the great height of the mound and the name Ucha Pind, because it is visible from a long distance.

Some of the stone sculptures recovered from Sanghol bear marked Mongoloid features.  The names given to some of the localities of the village even at present, such as “pheelkhana” and “Mahal” are indicative of the fact that the place enjoyed a very high status and was probably the seat of the ruler of the area.  Sanghol is said to be the ancient Sangal Deep ruled by Raja Sang.  The famous Rup and Basant brothers, who figure in legendary history, are said to have belonged to Sanghol.

The bulk of the archaeological evidence at Sanghol leavers little doubt that the mound, which is still about 70- 80 ft. raised from the surrounding area, is very ancient and excavations at the place might yield rich historical data.

Sanghol is situated close to the old bed of river Satluj as evidenced by white sand found over a wide stretch near the locality.  Sometimes boat oars have been reported to have been found here.  The site seems to be contemporaneous with the mounds at Sunet and Hathur. 
         
Sanghol has a Janta (Co-educational) High School, Girls Middle School and Primary School.  The village has got a panchayat. Till 1948 Sanghol formed part of the former Princely state of Patiala and was included in the erstwhile Pepsu on the merger of the States thereafter.  The village was transferred to Ludhiana district on January 25, 1950 in connection with the exchange of enclaves.

There is a vast network of bus services of Punjab, Himachal, Delhi, Haryana, Pepsu, Chandigarh, Rajasthan State Roadways, apart from private operators. Chintpurni, Jwalaji, Kangra Valley, Dharamshala, Maclodgunj, Dalhousie are some of the various Hill Stations of Himachal Pradesh where you can go to through Hoshiarpur.

Distance From
Chandigarh 140 Kms
New Delhi 390 Kms

LAL QUILA: The Red Fort

Originally known as Qila-e-Mualla, Red fort or Lal Qila was built by the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan after he transferred his capital to his newly planned city of Shahjahanabad (Delhi) from Agra in 1638. The foundation stone of this massive citadel was laid in 1639 and it was completed after nine years in 1648. Designed by the Mughal architects Ustad Hamid and Ahmad, Red Fort is an important symbolic monument in India even today. Every year on Independence Day (15th August) the Prime Minister of India hoists the national flag and addresses the nation, from the ramparts of Red fort.

Built of red sandstone, the fort has an irregular octagonal shape. Its rampart walls cover a perimeter of 2.41 kilometers and rise to a height of 33.5 meters on the town side and 18 meters on the riverside. The Yamuna River used to flow on the eastern side of the fort when it was built, filling the moat that runs outside the ramparts. The moat was thus a considerable obstacle for an enemy army. However, the moat today remains empty as the river has moved, over 1 kilometer to the east. To the north, a bridge of 900 meters by 550 meters, connects the fort with Salimgarh. It is said that the cost of construction of the whole fort, including the magnificent palaces and other buildings that the fort contains, was around one crore rupees in the Mughal period. However, during the First War of Independence of 1857, the British army occupied Red Fort, and demolished more than 75% of the fort. A number of palaces and other structures were razed and massive barracks for soldiers were constructed inside the fort, thereby diminishing the overall elegance and beauty of this imposing stronghold. Though much has changed after 1857, the remaining structures in the fort still reflect the zenith of technical excellence of the craftsmen of Mughal times. Until recently the Indian army was stationed within Red Fort but now the Archaeological Survey of India maintains the entire complex. The remaining palaces lie along the eastern side of the fort, with two three-storeyed main gateways located at the center of the western and southern walls. These gates are known as Lahore Gate and Delhi Gate. There are three other entrances on other sides but they are now closed and entry through them is restricted.

Lahore Gate: The main entrance to the Red Fort is through this imposing gateway flanked by semi-octagonal towers. The gate is named thus because it faces West, towards Lahore in Pakistan. The North-facing gate from where one enters and the fortifications before the original Lahore gate were built later by Aurangzeb to make it more difficult for an attacking army to enter. It is here, at the top of the fortification that the Prime Minister of India hoists the national flag on Independence Day every year. Other senior Indian leaders are seated on either side of the flagpole along the length of the balcony. In 1986 for security reasons all the windows of Shah Jahan’s gateway were blocked with red sandstone. There is also a lift just before the Lahore Gate, built in 1965, which is used on Independence Day. Lahore Gate has several apartments inside it and it is said that the huge bronze-covered wooden door of the gate was so heavy that elephants were used to close and open the door. Across the road from Lahore gate is Chandni Chowk, one of the fascinating markets of Old Delhi.

Chatta Chowk (vaulted arcade): As you enter the Lahore Gate, arcaded apartments flank the passage, which is known as Chatta Chowk. Also known as Meena Bazaar, this was one of the first covered bazaars of the 17th century. The shops of that era sold pure silks, jewellery, gems, silver ware and other artistic objects and catered primarily to Mughal courtiers and noble families. It is said that there were also teashops here, where nobles used to meet and discuss the latest court gossip and news of the kingdom. Today the shops in the Chowk sell souvenirs and eatables and drinks. They are now located only in the lower arcade whereas in Mughal times the shops were located on the upper as well as lower arcades. These vaulted arcades are made up of natural sandstone. The shops in the lower arcade had cusped arches. In the middle of the Chatta Chowk, there is also an open section for the sunlight and fresh air to enter. From the end of the bazaar, the view of Drum House was picturesque as the large square courtyard and water tank, provided a clear view, unlike later when much was altered with the British occupation. They destroyed the elegance of the monument by building multi-storey barracks north of the courtyard.

Naubat or Naqqar Khana: The next structure after the Chowk is the Naubat or Naqqar Khana. Also called Drum House, it was used for playing music five times a day. The music galleries contained large musical instruments like kettledrums, hautboys (shehnai) and cymbals. It was also called Hathipol as everyone, except for the royal princes, had to dismount from their elephants here. It was here that the arrival of royalty was heralded as well as the festivities were announced. Built with red sandstone, the structure is rectangular in shape. It is said that the carved

designs on its walls were originally painted with gold. In the interior different layers were painted with a combination of colors. The first floor of the Naubat Khana now houses a War Memorial Museum. The museum contains arms and armaments used by the rulers of Mughal times. It also has paintings of various kings and rulers and their activities. It includes a brief description of India’s First war of Independence in 1857
Located on Netaji Subhash Marg, near Chandni Chowk in Old Delhi, the best time to visit Red fort is between 10 a.m - 4 p.m. It is open on all days except Monday, from sunrise to sunset. The admission fee is Rs. 11.00 for Indian citizens/ Rs. 100 for foreigners (including the tickets of all the three museums inside). Video filming charges: Rs. 125.00. How to Reach: Tourists can either take local buses from various points within the city to reach this monument, which is located in Old Delhi, or they can hire auto-rickshaws and taxis or metro rail. Nearest Railway Station is the Old Delhi Railway Station.
Nearest Metro Station is the Kashmiri Gate. Nearest International Airport is the Indira Gandhi International Airport. Time required for sightseeing is approximately 2 hours. A sound and light show is held every evening giving an idea of the Mughal history, both in Hindi and English. The timings for summer Hindi 7 p.m. to 8 p.m. and English 8 p.m. to 9 p.m. and for the winter they are in Hindi 6 p.m. to 7 p.m. and English 7 p.m. to 8 p.m.The entrance charge is Rs. 20.

EXTERNAL DEBT

Government of India borrowed heavily during the 1980S to finance the current account-deficit which kept on rising steadily. In 1990, the year of the so-called Gulf Crisis, over 51 % of the current account balance came to be financed by commercial borrowings (26%) and NRI deposits (35%). Total external debt (EDT) outstanding (as reported in World Bank’s World Debt Tables) increased from $ 20.6 billion in 1980 to $ 71.6 billion in 1991 - a 248% increase as against a GDP real growth of71 % during the period. If we go by the figures of the Ministry of Finance which includes the defence debt, EDT goes to $ 81.9 billion in 1991 and to $ 85.4 billion by the end of March 1993. Put in rupee terms, the burden of debt has mounted thanks to devaluation from Rs.1.1Iakh crore in 1991 to Rs.2.66Iakh crore by March 1993 -a 142 percent increase in two years. In terms of ratio of total debt to GDP it was a growth from 14 per cent in 1980 to nearly 38 per cent in 1991. $132.1 billion (30 June 2006 est.)

The rate of growth is tremendous. To derive comfort from the EDT / GNP ratios of neighboring countries like Pakistan (50%), Bangladesh (56%), Sri Lanka (72.6%) or extreme cases like Mozambique (426%) or Tanzania (250.8%) for 1991 is irrelevant especially when we note that China’s ratio was only 16.4 per cent in 1991 and fell to 16% in 1992. 

The increase in the magnitude of debt may be seen along with the changing profile of the structure of debt. Concessional finance which was as high as 87 per cent of total debt in 1970 has declined to 42 per cent in 1991. Loans from transnational banks, NRI deposits and IBRD loans (mostly with variable interest rates) constitute the major share of debt in recent periods. 

Debt Trap 
Debt per se is not an evil for any country especially when it is prudently managed and productively used. But it becomes a heavy burden when it falls into a growing debt trap and becomes pathologically dependent on debt for survival and growth. A country may be said to be in a debt trap when the total payment for debt services (IDS) (amortisation plus interest charges) exceeds the gross disbursements of loans flowing into a country. It means a reverse flow of resources. If the situation throws current account balances permanently out of gear due to poor export growth, declining terms of trade, increasing debt service burden etc. the country is in a sort of dependency syndrome. Available evidences suggest that India has become deeply dependent on debt despite the high foreign exchange build-up. 
 

One need not ring any alarm bells if the export earnings expand fast enough in relation to the growth of total the While the total debt in nominal terms increased 3.5 times the increase in the value of exports of goods and services (XGS) was only 1.6 times. The EDT / XGS percentage which in 1980 was 136 rose to 294 in 1991. Fortunately with the growing FOREX RESERVE it is coming down.(2006 est.). India’s performance is dismal in terms of the ratio of total debt services (ID percentage of exports of goods and services (XGS). It is 30.7% for India in 1991 as against 19.9% for Bangladesh,21% for Pakistan and just 10.6% for Mozambique and an average of 21 % for low income countries as a whole. The only two countries which have higher ratios than India are Zambia and Indonesia among the 40 low income countries of the world. Those people who compare India with China liberalization may note that TDS /XGS ratio was as12% in 1991. 

Report on Country’s External Debt 

Criticism of the government’s economic compelled it, the ministry of finance in particular, some additional information on the performance of the economy. The latest case in point is the first-ever formal status the country’s external debt with a foreword by finance minister. The report is apparently intended to answer the widely-shared misgiving that the level of the country’s debt is now dangerously high. 

The data contained in the report are not new, having already published in the Reserve Bank’s Annual Report 2005-2006. With a total external debt of $112.6 billion at the end of June 2004. In terms of international comparison, India ranks eighth among the top fifteen debtor countries of the world according to the Global Development Finance 2004, World Bank. 

At the end of June 2004, India’s external debt was $112.6 billion. This can be broken up into long-term debt and short-term debt (less than one year). Long-term debt is $106.7 bn, while short-term debt is $5.9 bn. Since short-term debt has to be paid quickly, its share in total debt is a good indicator of how worrisome the debt position is. In March 1991, the share of short-term in total debt was 10.2%. Today, the figure is 5.2%. 
 
Long-term debt has seven components: multilateral, bilateral, debt to IMF export credit, commercial debt, NRI deposits, rupee debt. 

The debt increased in the 1990s primarily because of commercial debt and NRI deposits. It is not the case that there has been large borrowing on the government account. Indeed, India has repaid sovereign debt, both multilateral and bilateral, ahead of time. (There are costs associated with premature retirement.) For IMF purposes, India is now classified as a creditor country rather than a debtor country. Even within short-term debt, the debt is entirely trade-related. NRI deposits with maturity lower than one year have been phased out.  

India’s external debt indicators compare well with that of other countries.

A prudent external sector policy, particularly in relation to external debt, pursued

since 1991 placed India’s external debt position at a comfortable level. The

Policy focus has been on concessional and relatively less expensive source of funds,

preference for long maturity loans, monitoring of short-term debt and emphasis on non-debt creating capital flows. Recent initiatives towards external debt moderation include,

inter alia, prepayment of costly Government and non-Government loans, rationalization of interest rates as well as structure of NRI deposits, end-use stipulations for ECB and restriction on trade credits. As regards external debt statistics, continuous efforts are being made to bring in refinement in coverage, classification, presentation and

Technological upgradation in the computation of external debt data.

 
India’s debt is in 23 different currencies. The composition is kept secret. Debt in 23 different currencies has to be converted into a common numeraire, like the US dollar, to allow comparisons. But this depends on the exchange rate and if the dollar depreciates, the apparent value of debt increases. Such valuation changes have contributed significantly to increasing both debt and forex figures. The confessional element in India’s debt is also fairly high, at around 35.8%.

The severity of indebtedness can be gauged by looking at debt stock indicators or debt flow indicators, the latter being more relevant for payment purposes. In both cases, different indicators are possible. For debt stock, a possible indicator is debt to GNP or GDP. As a thumb rule, more than 25% is cause for worry. India’s debt/GDP ratio was 17.6% in March 2004. In 2002, (international figures come with a lag), India’s debt/GNP ratio was 20.7%, compared with 52.5% in Brazil, or 80.3% in Indonesia.

India’s outstanding external debt, increased from US$105.4 billion at end-March 2003 to US$112.6 billion at end-March 2004, essentially because of a surge in NRI deposits. The NR (NR) RD scheme, which was not considered as part of external debt, was discontinued with effect from April 1, 2002. The provision that the maturity proceeds of NR (NR) RD could be credited into NR (E) RA –a part of external debt – together with flow back of a portion of redemption proceeds of Resurgent India Bonds (RIBs) resulted in larger inflows under NRI deposits during 2003-04. As per the latest available data, External debt stock rose to US$ 113.6 billion at end-September 2004, because of a rise in trade related credits reflecting larger import demand. Movement in key debt sustainability indicators point towards further consolidation of external debt during 2003-04. The total external debt to GDP ratio improved to 17.8% at end-March 2004. The proportion of short-term debt in total external debt declined from 4.8 % at end-March 2003 to 4.3 % as on March 31, 2004, which however rose to 5.7 % at end- September 2004 with a rise in import-related trade credits. Debt service payments as a proportion of current receipts rose in 2003-04 mainly due to exceptional transactions, namely, prepayments and redemption of RIBs.Excluding these one-off transactions, debt service ratio worked out to 10.4 % in 2003-04

Although India is the eighth most indebted country in the world (measured by total debt stock), there is no cause for alarm and, since 1999, the World Bank has classified India as a less indebted country, compared with its earlier classification as a moderately indebted country. For managing debt repayment flows (principal as well as interest), the debt service ratio is used as an indicator. This is debt repayment obligations (per year) divided by earnings from exports of goods or goods and services (current account receipts). Expressed as a share of current receipts, India’s debt service ratio is 18.3% now, compared with 35.3% in 1991.

FORMS OF MARRIAGES IN INDIA: PAST & PRESENT 

Marriage is a universal institution through which a man sustains the continuity of his race and attains sexual satisfaction in a socially recognized manner. That is it provides biological as well as psychological satisfaction. It ensures the survival of the group along with its culture.  In earlier times marriage was also a social mechanism designed to create and foster social solidarity. But in contemporary urban society it is highly individualistic and personal.

FORMS OF MARRIAGE 

1. ON THE BASIS OF NUMBER OF MATES

1. Monogamy:- one husband, one wife

2. Polygamy:- one husband,  two or more wives . it is also called Polygyny
3. Polyandry:- one woman:- two or more husbands

2. ON THE BASIS OF GROUPS

1. Endogamy:- Marriage among partners who belong to same group

2. Exogamy :- Marriage is prohibited among partners who belong to  same group e.g. Gotra exogamy, Pinda  exogamy etc

3. ON THE BASIS OF STATUS

1. Hypergamy(Anuloma): Man marrying a woman belonging to a comparatively lower social stratum

2. Hypogamy (Pratiloma): Woman belonging to higher stratum marrying a man belonging to a comparatively lower social stratum.

MARRIAGE AMONG TRIBALS:

As far as the marriages among tribal people are concerned, it is regulated by the observance of certain rules of endogamy, exogamy, Hypergamy, preferential mating and prohibited degrees. Thus, a member of Santhal community marries within his tribe but cannot marry within his clan. The PURUKUKIS of Manipur prefer the cross – cousin marriages. Similarly, in some tribes, the younger brother can keep the widow of his elder brother.  Thus there are various methods of acquiring mates in Indian tribes. But most of the marriages consist of one husband and one wife.

In India, polyandry is practiced among the Todas and Tiyan, of southern India and the Khasias of the sub – Himalayan region. In caste system if a high caste woman marries a low caste man she loses her caste status, which is indicative of a degree of ritual purity. 

Since we have a patriarchal society, the husband enjoys a superior position as compared to the wife. Up to marriage a girl shares her father’s caste and after marriage her husband’s. A man does not lose his caste or ritual purity by marrying a low caste woman, but his offspring may suffer from partial lowering from his father’s caste status. Thus, to prevent a woman from losing caste “MANU” and other ancient law givers prescribed “hypergamous’ marriage, under which a man can marry from his own caste or from below. But “Hypogamy” that is marriage of a woman to a man from a lower caste is not permitted.

There is a universal taboo on sexual relations between closely related kin. It is also prevalent in Hindu castes and tribes in India; it is mainly because of the cultural factor. 

RULES OF MATE SELECTION:

Selection of mates is an important affair in every tribal community. There are various ways of acquiring mates among Indian tribes, in KUKI tribe there is probationary marriage. They permit a young man to live with his would be wife in the latter’s house for weeks together, after which, if they so decide, marry each other. Similarly, marriage by capture has its existence among all tribal communities. It is prevalent among the various tribes of Chotta Nagpur namely HOS, SANTHALS, MUNDAS and GHUMIJAS etc.  Among HOS such marriage is known s OPORTIPE and among GONDS it is know as POSIOTUR. It is also practiced even among those marriages which are negotiated by the consent of respective parents.  

Marriage by purchase is practiced by the payment of bride- price. According to this system, a groom cannot get a bride unless bride- price is not paid. The system prevails among NAGAS, HOS and KHASIAS of sub- Himalayan region. 

The institution of Hindu marriage occupies a prominent place in the social institutions of civilized world. Hindu marriage can be defined as a religious sacrament in which a man and a woman are bound in permanent relationship for physical, social and spiritual purposes of DHARMA (to enter GRAHASTHA ASHRAM), procreation and sexual pleasure. Thus, Hindu marriage is not merely a social contract but a religious sacrament. It results in a more or less permanent relationship between a man and a woman. Its aim is not merely physical pleasure but spiritual advancement. It is not merely an individual function but has a social importance. It exhibits an integral approach to the social institution.  

The Hindu scriptures admit the following 8 forms of marriage.

1. BRAHMA: in this a girl decorated with clothes and ornaments , is given in marriage to a learned and gentle bridegroom. This is the prevalent form of marriage in Hindu society today.
2. PRAJAPATYA: in this the daughter is offered to the bridegroom by blessing them with the enjoyment of marital bliss and fulfillment of DHARMA.
3. ARSHA: this is a form of marriage in which a mendicant used to accept a girl in marriage after giving a cow or bull and some clothes to the parents of the girl.  These articles were not the price of the bride but the indicated the resolve of the mendicant of householder’s life.
4. DAIVA: this form of marriage is where a girl decorated with ornaments and clothes, was offered to the person who conducted the function of a PUROHIT in YAJNA.
5. ASURA:  form of marriage, the bridegroom gets the bride in exchange for some money or articles given to the family members of the bride. Such a form of marriage was conducted in case of the marriage of Pandu with Madri in MAHABHARATA.
6. GANDHARVA: this form of marriage is a result of mutual affection and love of the bride and the bridegroom. An example is that of King Dushyanta with Shakuntala. The ceremonies can be performed after the consummation of sexual relationship between the bride and bridegroom, in gandharva form of marriage.
7. RAKSHAS: this form was prevalent in the age when women were considered to be the prize of war. In this type of marriage, the bridegroom takes way the bride from her house forcibly after killing and injuring her relatives.
8. PAISHACH: In this type a man enters into sexual relationship with a sleeping, drunk or unconscious woman. Such acts were regularized after the performance of the marriage ceremony which took place after the sexual intercourse between the man and woman. This form of marriage has been called to be most degenerate.

The social life of the Muslims is governed by the rules prescribed by their sacred scripture QURAN. The laws of Muslim marriage are based on QURAN. Boys and girls of less than 15 years of age cannot marry without the sanction of their guardians. The marriages among minors or mad persons are declared void. No religious ceremony or formality is required to make marital contact valid if the above mentioned rules are adhered to.

In Muslims traditions, divorce can be obtained by repeating the word TALAK thrice in the presence of at least two witnesses. But a husband has to pay MEHAR that is the settlement made for the wife out of her husband’s property to compensate her. A wife can obtain KHULA from her marriage by giving her husband’s consideration whose consent is essential. If there is mutual separation between husband and wife, it is known as MUBARAT.

BLACK MONEY (PARALLEL ECONOMY) 

Black money or unaccounted money circulating in the parallel economy is a big menace to the economy. It is also a cause of big loss in the tax-revenues for the government. As such it needs to be curbed. Its elimination will benefit the economy in more than one way. It will also generate more revenues for the government. 

Black money may be defined as the money that is generated by activities that are kept secret in the sense that these are not reported to the authorities. As such this money is also not accounted to the fiscal authorities i.e., taxes are not paid on this money. Contrasted to this is the white money that is shown in relevant accounts and tax paid, if due. 

Parallel economy connotes the functioning of an unsanctioned sector in the economy whose objectives run parallel, rather in contradiction with the aroused social objectives. This is variously termed as ‘black economy’, ‘unaccounted economy’, ‘illegal economy’, ’subterranean economy’, or ‘unsanctioned economy’. 

The money involved in black/secret transactions or used in parallel economy (i.e., parallel to the legitimate economy) is very large indeed. Very recently the National Institute of Public Finance Policy has estimated that the sum involved is as much as about Rs4O, OOO crores. This constitutes around 20 per cent of the gross domestic product of the economy. This size of the black money has grown fast over the past many years. A recent estimate puts the size of black money at over 50 per cent of GDP (at factor cost) . It is also stated that the annual rate of growth of black money is higher than the annual growth-rate of GDP. The present size of black money is thus very large indeed.

Impact of Black Money 

The circulation of black money has adversely affected the Indian economy in several ways. It would be of interest to study the impact of black money on the Indian economic and social system. 

i) It leads to the misdirection of precious national resources.

A part of black money is kept in a form that contributes nil/Little to productive activities.  

(ii) It has enormously worsened the income-distribution, and has thereby undermined the fabric of the fixed income salary class finds itself ever be the lower rung of the income-ladder. They pay taxes. Quite a number among them, though not l the corrupt activities of getting bribes / commissions, etc. But in general they are not able to catch up with the people in business, or in professions, or many of those employed. Many in these categories make black activities. Many high placed official and honest employees earn much less than an average small shopkeeper in big cities like Bombay and Delhi.  

(iii) The existence of a big-sized unreported segment of the economy is a- big handicap in making a correct analysis and formulation of right policies for it. For example it is not possible to calculate accurately the vital indicators of progress like saving-income ratio, sectorial composition of national income, etc. Nor is it possible to monitor the developments in the economy with precision. Much of these estimates / monitoring of the economy are bound to be guesswork. No wonder the government’s policies cannot be firm in their perception and deal weak data base. 

(iv) Black money results in transfer of funds from India to foreign countries through clandestine channels. Such transfers are made possible by violations exchange regulations through the device of under – invoicing of exports and over-invoicing of imports thus finds itself in a paradoxical situation,’ where capital and more particularly foreign exchange resources are scarce, (the country) becomes a de facto lender of aid and capital to economically advanced and wealthier nations, with the concealed outflow of funds.”  The situation has worsened further over the years. 

(v) Black money requires for its protection, proliferation and expansion of a service organisation composed of musclemen, touts and brokers to combat the forces of law and order on the one hand and on the other hand, there are income t ax advisers, or chartered accountants in the pay of black money operators. Then there are contact men, better known as liaison officers who negotiate favors from top bureaucracy and political bosses through bribes of black money. This has developed a new black money culture in the business world. 

(vi) Last but not the least; black money has corrupted our political system in a most vicious manner. At various levels, MLAs, MPs, Ministers, party functionaries openly and shamelessly go on collecting funds.

The politics of black money thus has corroded the moral fibre of Indian polity. Ministers dole out favours of crores by accepting black money donations of a few lakhs from businessmen. Musclemen and criminals are fed by political parties to capture booths and thus elections are becoming more and more of a farce. National policies are, therefore, being bent in favour of the big business under the pressure of black money. Thus, it is the parallel economy which does the backseat driving, while the political leadership only acts as the mouth-piece of big business to justify the abolition of controls or introduction of a dual system of prices in the name of productivity or national interests. It was due to the pernicious impact of black money on the Indian economy and polity that the Wanchoo Committee concluded: “It is, therefore, no exaggeration to say that black money is like a cancerous growth in the country’s economy which, if not checked in time, is sure to lead to its ruination”. 
 

Causes for Generation of Black Money 

There are several factors responsible for the emergence - of black money. It would be relevant to discuss those factors so that a correct understanding about the genesis, growth and expansion of black money can be made. The principal factors are:

(i) Beginning of the evil: The beginning of this evil can be traced to the Second World War. During this period supplies of industrial goods from the traditional suppliers of the West were cut off. This resulted in severe shortages in many vital lines. The British Government indulged in large inflationary finance for war efforts. This led to price escalation. Taxes too were raised sharply on higher incomes and excess profits. In these circumstances many indulged in black marketing. And at the same time, they evaded taxes. Huge profits were made in respect of goods that were in short supply. This created a psychology of making money out of shortages and not out of production / expansion of sales. These circumstances and the psychology formed the backdrop of what followed subsequently. 

(ii) Controls and licensing system: The system of controls, permits, quotas and licenses which are associated with misdistributions of the commodities in short supply results in the generation of black money. The Wanchoo Committee explaining this factor as a source of black money observed, “In spite of the vigilance exercised by the Government, controls and regulations came to be used by the unscrupulous for amassing money for themselves. Since considerable discretionary powers lay in the hands of those who administered controls~ this provided them with a scope for corruption - ’speed money’ for turning a blind eye to the violation of controls. All this gave rise to trading in permits, quotas and licenses, malpractices in distribution and in the process; it generated sizeable sums of black money.” 

Price and distribution controls have in the past led to the generation of black money on a significant scale. Any price control without any adequate machinery of distribution and speedy arrangement for increasing supplies is potentially a source of black money generation. 

Rent control leads to “pugree system” and is, therefore, another source of black money. Similarly, the system of licenses requires large number of inspectors for completing various formalities and thus good amount of hush money has to be paid. Where controls are not implementable, they have led to harassment and black money generation. 

(iii) Tax structure: High tax rates and defective tax structure have also been responsible for the existence of black money to a large extent. Take for instance direct taxation. Till recently the tax on income and on wealth was very high to invite evasion. The marginal rate of income tax was as high as 75 per cent. And when it was combined with the tax on wealth, it was still higher. For example, for a person with net wealth ofRs.12 lakh, the combined tax rate came to 95 per cent. And for a person with a net wealth exceeding Rs.18 lakhs, the marginal tax rate exceeded cent percent. This was the situation in respect of personal taxation until a decade ago. The corporate tax rate too was very high. In these circumstances the temptation / gain from tax evasion was substantial. 

Even in the case of indirect taxes the situation is no better. In fact worse, as the revenue from these taxes constitutes a big proportion of all the tax revenues. For example, in the case of government, revenue from customs and central excise duties has been as much as 80 per cent of the total revenue. Hence even a small fraction of the evaded tax runs into crores of black money. According to the National Institute of Public Finance Policy the excise evasion is rampant in such sectors as copper, cotton fabrics and plastics. It is also suggested by the Institute that the tax-evasion through the underestimation of production and sales is most pronounced in manufacturing, trade, hotels and restaurants. 

(iv) Donation to political parties: Ever since the Government decided to ban donations to political parties in 1968, it prompted businessmen to fund political parties, especially the ruling party, with the help of black money. Ostensibly, this decision was taken to reduce the influence of big business on the electoral process, but in practice what happened was precisely the opposite. Businessmen everywhere have by now learnt that they should pay a certain charge out of the black money to the coffers of political parties and then be sure that the political leaders will only bark but not bite. Big business, in the process, has been able to tame the political leadership. This is evidenced by the relaxation of various controls, permitting business houses to enter areas reserved for the public sector, putting a large number of banned items on the Open General License list etc. 

The political instability witnessed in the country in -various states has resulted in widespread horse-trading of the MLAs at the state levels and MPs at the Central level. In this process of buying political support, black money plays a crucial role. Consequently the determination of the ruling political party to curb black money has become very weak. As a consequence, businessmen feel they have an unfettered license to spin black money, pay a small part to the political parties as donations and then enjoy the rest the way they like.Unless the link between black money and political power is broken, there is no hope of controlling the generation of black money or its link with crime. 

(v) Ineffective enforcement of tax laws : Whereas the Government has an armoury of tax laws pertaining to income tax, sales tax, stamp duties, excise duty etc., their enforcement is very weak due to widespread corruption in these departments. . The high rates of these taxes induce businessmen to avoid recording of these transactions. This evasion largely goes unchecked and thus sets in a chain reaction for the generation of black money at the wholesale, retail as well as production levels. 

(vi) Generation of black money in the public sector: Every successive five-year plan is planned for a larger size of investment in the public sector. The projects undertaken by the public sector have to be monitored by the bureaucrats in Government departments and public sector undertakings. Tenders are invited for the various works and these tenders are awarded by the bureaucracy in consultation with the political bosses.

Thus, a symbiotic relationship develops between the contractors, bureaucracy and the politicians and by a large number of devices costs ‘are artificially escalated and black money is generated by underhand deals. Instability of the political system has given a further momentum to this process. Since the ministers are not sure of their tenure and in a majority of cases, the tenure is very short, the principle ‘Make hey while the sun shines’ is adopted by most of them. The larger number of scandals that are unearthed by the Opposition only support the contention that huge investment in the public sector is a big potential source for black money generation. In this process, bureaucrats act as brokers for political leaders and thus the nexus between business, bureaucracy and politicians promotes the generation of black money.  

(Vii) Ceiling on depreciation and other business expenses: Government has imposed restriction It has also circumscribed expenses on advertisement, entertainment, guest houses, payment of perquisites to directors. The purpose of these restrictions is to protect the shareholders and consumers from the unscrupulous action of businessmen. But businessmen feel that these restrictions are unjustified. They take the maximum advantage of these provisions but do not like to part with the remaining part of by various clandestine devices; they convert it into black money and use it either for conspicuous production to satisfy the wants of the rich and elite sections of society.

ROLE OF CASTE IN INDIAN POLITICS

Caste in Indian society refers to a social group where membership is largely decided by birth. Each such local group avoids entering into marital relationship with outsiders. Originally, this group was associated with a specific profession. The mutual relationship of one caste with the other is established on the principle of lineage and the resultant purity of blood, making the relationship between on and another caste distant.

The definition of caste is, however, incomplete, usually a caste is fragmented into several sub castes whose members are more unified, and each group maintains its identity and establishes relationships with similar groups spread over a large geographical area. This definition leads us to castes who despite being residents of different geographical divisions develop an affinity based on caste. Caste, through a united effort of its members to assert themselves, has today intruded in both politics and administration mainly through franchise and institutions like Panchayati Raj. Whether it is the factionalism of Indian political parties or the nomination of candidates and the mode of election campaign – most thins can be explained through caste interests and caste balance.

As a separatist notion, however, caste is a challenge to secularism but if caste creates separation it also brings the people together as a group. Democracy, undoubtedly, increases the activities of the caste groups. As a political power of the ruling elite gradually passes on to the people in a mass society the impact of castes is felt much more. Sometimes one caste dominates over the other, due to social conditions. 

Caste, politically speaking, has played such a basic role in the decision making process that even the reorganization of states in India had to grapple with it so that no caste group dominates a particular territory. Although untouchability has been prohibited under the Constitution. Harijans and Adivasis have also been given legal protection as a positive measure.  Thus an attempt has been made to create economic and social equality but these reservations have affected Indian politics in an unwholesome manner. Groups declared backward are now not prepared to forego the concessions that accrue to them by the label of backwardness. Caste has thus become a major obstacle in the establishment of a casteless society and has cemented communal connections. Even the politicians are caught in the web. On the one hand, they would like the differences and preferences based on caste to be abolished and on the other, are well aware that these are helpful in securing the vote. They, therefore, bless the caste organizations and also try to determine their limitations and contain their influence. This paradoxical situation can, therefore, be overcome only if the caste entity and the impact it makes on politics is fully recognized. 

Caste becomes important in politics because politics is highly competitive. Its purpose is to gain power for certain ends. It, therefore, exploits all kinds of loyalties in the society to gain and consolidate certain political positions; organization and articulation of support are important in the above process of politics in our country.  Caste is one such organization with which the people are associated.  The linkage between politics and caste is thus important and in the process both interact so closely that they are transformed. Party programmes also cut across caste loyalties and members of one caste may be divided on the basis of ideological affiliations.

Political connection is a reflection of the social reality and politics is one instrument which a particular class or group exploits to strengthen itself. It is, however, certain that the caste institutions are influenced in a dynamic and developing society, by urbanization, industrialization and modernization. No political party can function with a style of caste group and thus it has to look beyond the caste structure and appeal to all castes through its program. This is bound to weaken the caste structure.

JAMA MASJID

 The largest mosque in India, it stands 500 meters west across the road from the Red Fort. It was built in 1656 by Shahjahan, the Mughal Emperor. About 25,000 people can pray here at a time. It is an architectural triumph. The vast paved courtyard is a rectangle nearly seventy-five metres by sixty-six metres. The whole of the western chamber is a big hall; standing on 260 pillars all carved from Hindu and Jain traditions. The central courtyard is accessible from the East, though there are three ways on the other side too. The Eastern side entrance leads to another enclosure containing the mausoleum of Sultan Ahmed Shah.

 The Jama Masjid was designed as the main mosque of Shahjahan. It stands on one of the two hills, Bho Jhala in the Mughal capital, Shahjahanabad. The mosque has three gateways, four towers and two minarets. It is constructed with alternate use of vertical strips of red sandstone and white marble. The white marble has been used extensively in the three domes and has been inlaid with stripes of black. The structure was situated on a high platform so that its magnificent facade would be visible from all the neighboring areas. The main prayer hall on the west is decorated by a series of high cusped arches, which stand on 260 pillars. These pillars support 15 marble domes at various elevations. The imposing gateways are approached through a broad flight of steps in the north and the south. The hallmarks of this famous mosque are the wide staircases and arched gateways.
The tower is made up of five distinguished storeys, each pronounced by a protruding balcony. Beautiful calligraphy embellishes its adjacent buildings. The first three storeys of the tower are made of red sandstone, the fourth one, while the fifth is again of sandstone.
The main entrance on the eastern side was probably used by the emperors. It remains close on the weekdays. One can have the view of the Old Delhi, the Red Fort and the New Delhi from the southern minaret for a fee of Rupees 5.

The main imam of this Jama Masjid is the direct descendent of the original and first Imam appointed by Emperor Shahjahan and till now there is no break in its descendency. People of other religions are not allowed in between 12-30 and 2-00pm. One is allowed to enter the mosque bare-footed, head covered and wearing lungi, - these are the norms visitors have to follow and are available on payment. For taking photographs one has to buy tickets first.

The splendid mosque built by Shahjahan in the typical Mughal style with two minarets and three domes, lies to the west of the Hussainabad Imambara and is entirely free from pseudo Italian art then in vogue in Lucknow. Though Shah Jahan has the credit of building a number of mosques in Delhi, Agra, Ajmer and Lahore, the Jama Masjid is by far the best and an outstanding symbol of Mughal architectural brilliance in India.

It is the country’s largest mosque, where thousands of Muslims offer prayers. It lies opposite the Red Fort and is surrounded by a large number of shops, which deal in a variety of goods. The great mosque of Old Delhi is both the largest in India and the final architectural extravagance of Shah Jahan with a courtyard capable of holding 25,000 devotees.

It remains open for tourist on all days from Sunrise to Sunset. Preferred Timings are for Summer it is 7.00 am-12.15 pm & 1.45 pm till sunset. In winter it is  8.30 am-12.15 pm & 1.45 pm till sunset.

Muslim ladies are allowed only after Fazar Prayers (after dawn) till Maghrib Prayers (between sunset and twilight), all round the year except during Ramadan (Ramzan) when they are allowed entry from Fazar Prayers to Maghrib Prayers

It is free and open to all except during prayer timings. Tourists should cover their knees as well their arms and remove their shoes before entering the mosque. Cloth to be draped around your limbs or feet, is available at the entrance and is provided on request.

Tourists can either take local buses from various points within the city to reach this monument, which is located in Old Delhi, or they can hire auto-rickshaws and taxis or metro rail. Time required for sightseeing is 2 hours.

THE GOLDEN TEMPLE - AMRITSAR

Sri Harmandir Sahib, also known as Sri Darbar Sahib or Golden Temple, (on account of its scenic beauty and golden coating for English speaking world), is named after Hari (God) the temple of God. The Sikhs all over the world, daily wish to pay visit to Sri Amritsar and to pay obeisance at Sri Harmandir Sahib in their Ardas.

Guru Arjan Sahib, the Fifth Nanak, conceived the idea of creating a central place of worship for the Sikhs and he himself designed the architecture of Sri Harmandir Sahib. Earlier the planning to excavate the holy tank (Amritsar or Amrit Sarovar) was chalked out by Guru Amardas Sahib, the Third Nanak, but it was executed by Guru Ramdas Sahib under the supervision of Baba Budha ji. The land for the site was acquired by the earlier Guru Sahibs on payment or free of cost from the Zamindars (landlords) of native villages. The plan to establish a town settlement was also made. Therefore, the construction work on the Sarovar (the tank) and the town started simultaneously in 1570. The work on both projects completed in 1577 A.D.

Guru Arjan Sahib got its foundation laid by a Muslim saint Hazrat Mian Mir ji of Lahore on 1st of Magh, 1645 Bikrmi Samvat(December,1588). The construction work was directly supervised by Guru Arjan Sahib himself and he was assisted by the prominent Sikh personalities like Baba Budha ji, Bhai Gurdas ji, Bhai Sahlo ji and many other devoted Sikhs.

Unlike erecting the structure on the higher level(a tradition in Hindu Temple architecture), Guru Arjan Sahib got it built on the lower level and unlike Hindu Temples having only one gate for the entrance and exit, Guru Sahib got it open from four sides. Thus he created a symbol of new faith, Sikhism. Guru Sahib made it accessible to every person without any distinction of Caste, creed, sex and religion.

The building work completed in 1601 A.D. on Bhadoon Sudi 1st, 1661 Bikrmi Samvat (August/September, 1604). Guru Arjan Sahib installed newly created Guru Granth Sahib, in Sri Harmandir Sahib and appointed Baba Budha ji as its first Granthi i.e. the reader of Guru Granth Sahib. After this event it attained the status of ‘Ath Sath Tirath’. Now the Sikh Nation had their own Tirath, a pilgrimage center

Sri Harmandir Sahib, is built on a 67ft. square platform in the centre of the Sarovar(tank). The temple itself is 40.5ft. square. It has a door each on the East, West, North and South. The Darshani Deori (an arch) stands at the shore end of the causeway. The door frame of the arch is about 10ft in height and 8ft 6inches in breath. The door panes are decorated with artistic style. It opens on to the causeway or bridge that leads to the main building of Sri Harmandir Sahib. It is 202 feet in length and 21 feet in width.

The bridge is connected with the 13 feet wide ‘Pardakshna’ (circumambulatory path). It runs round the main shrine and it leads to the ‘Har ki Paure’ (steps of God). On the first floor of ‘Har ki Paure’, there is continuous reading of Guru Granth Sahib.

The main structure of Sri Harmandir Sahib, functionally as well as technically is a three-storied one. The front, which faces the bridge, is decorated with repeated cusped arches and the roof of the first floor is at the height of the 26 feet and 9 inches.

At the top of the first floor 4 feet high parapet rises on all the sides which has also four ‘Mamtees’ on the four corners and exactly on the top of the central hall of the main sanctuary rises the third story. It is a small square room and have three gates. A regular recitation of Guru Granth Sahib is also held there.

On the top of this room stands the low fluted ‘Gumbaz’ (dome) having lotus petal motif in relief at the base inverted lotus at the top which supports the ‘Kalash’ having a beautiful ‘Chhatri’ at the end.

Its architecture represents a unique harmony between the Muslims and the Hindus way of construction work and this is considered the best architectural specimens of the world. It is often quoted that this architecture has created an independent Sikh school of architecture in the history of art in India.

To reach Amritsar, Air is the quickest way since the city has an international airport. Shatabdi Express from Delhi would be the second option; however it is also well connected by road from New Delhi.

CRAFT MUSEUM- DELHI

Crafts Museum of Delhi, established in the year 1956, is situated in Pragati Maidan area. The museum is famous for showcasing the rich tribal and rural handicrafts of artisans from all over the country. It houses a large permanent collection of 20,000 items of folk and tribal arts, crafts and textiles. A unique feature of the Delhi Crafts Museum is that craftsmen from all over India come here to display their skill and proficiency. You can find some of the rarest and the most exquisite pieces of art and craft collected from different areas. Also exhibited in the Crafts Museum of Delhi are architectural displays of various villages.

There are a number of galleries in the Crafts Museum, namely, Tribal and Rural Craft Gallery, Gallery of Courtly Crafts, Textile Gallery, Gallery of Popular Culture, and so on, each based on a particular theme. The museum also consists of mud huts, adorned with exquisite folk art. The handicrafts on display include woodcarvings, paintings, papier-mâché, embroidery, etc. There is even a full-sized wooden haveli from Gujarat in the Delhi Crafts Museum. The reference section of the museum consists of 15,000 objects for the use of scholars, designers and craftsmen.

There is also a Crafts Museum Shop inside the museum that sells books, picture-postcards, along with a wide range of amazing contemporary handicrafts. The shop does not sell souvenir, rather, it is set up to sell the original creations of some of the best craftsmen of India. Another major attraction of the Delhi Crafts Museum is the artisans show then and there how they make their crafts. The various objects that you can buy there include ornaments, rugs, shawls, book, etc, which you can buy either from the museum or even directly from the craftsmen.

By the initial phase of the 1980s, the Crafts Museum, exhibited a praiseworthy collection of 20, 000 artifacts, a massive number indeed. These range from folk and tribal arts, to crafts and textiles is a curiously shaped museum-construct. It was indeed a difficult job for the renowned Charles Correa, the architect, of this building. He was asked to erect an awesome A-class building, sound enough to house such an enormous repertory, and at the same time the structure should not be that conspicuous so as to dim prominence of the simpler but valuable architectural models of rural countryside, displayed there. The marvelous and appropriate Museum-building is in tune with the ancient and historical neighbor, the Purana Qila on the one side and the ethnic Village Complex of the Museum on the other side. Mud-built huts composed of resplendently painted walls and thatched roofs, courtyards, terracotta horses, reminiscent of village shrines, and finally craftsmen at work, amidst such rural environs, give a live demonstration of Indian rustic life . The first gallery is the Tribal and Rural Craft Gallery, is a building of little-elevation, invested with old carved wooden doors, and windows, from Gujarat and Rajasthan, along with champa trees, tulsi-shrines, and a monumental temple-car, existing in the central courtyards. It is wonderful to note the marvelous past traditions, beautifying modern buildings- a fascination fusion of classical tradition with innovative modernity. The magnificent repository of the Crafts Museum, Delhi, created over a considerable time of three decades, incorporates bronze images; lamps and incense burners; ritual ornaments; implements and appliances of daily use; impressive wood and stone sculptures; papier mache; ivories, dolls, toys, puppets and masks; jewellery; embellished metalware including bidri patterns ; paintings; terracotta; cane and bamboo work and a plethora of textiles, accumulated from several areas of India.

Galleries of folk and tribal arts and crafts, artifacts of refined taste, ethnically rich commodities, and traditional Indian fabrics, available in the Gallery of Tribal Crafts, Textile Gallery and Gallery of Popular Culture.

Added to these, there is installed a `Visual Store` for perfect reference. It consists of approximately, 15,000 things, which can enlighten erudite scholars, designers, craftsmen and the ardent public for intensive as well as extensive study and research. The short but illuminating captions furnish the right data, regarding an item, and the details are well procurable through a consultation with the Museum`s very informative catalogue. The Crafts Museum, Delhi, is unique from the perspective that it not only sustains the ages-old traditions of crafts of India, but also by boosting up the inventive power of craftsmen, who can dexterously mix the old forms with the new notions, to arrive at a meaningful and groundbreaking achievement.

The Crafts Museum Shop, situated within the Museum grounds, sells books, picture-postcards and an immense variety of exotic recent handicrafts. The aim of setting up this shop is to sell and popularize authentic productions of the outstanding Indian craft-artisans.

The Crafts Museum, New Delhi, which remains closed on Mondays, is open on other days of the week, from 1a.m. to 5.30p.m.

The Crafts Museum, New Delhi, is definitely an attention-arresting enterprise, consolidating the necessity for the celebration of indigenous crafts in India.
Located at Bhairon Road, Pragati Maidan, New Delhi, the timings for visit to Craft museum are: July to September : 0930 am- 5 p.m. and  October to June : 0930 a.m. to 0600 p.m. It remains closed on Monday and National Holidays.