It was heartening to read the Prime Minister’s address to the National Development Council in December last year, where he argues that the main concern of the 11th Plan, in its aim to achieve 9 per cent growth rate is equity; and it is the purpose of building that equity which can brand the 11th Plan as being inclusive.
He said: “Equity is the foundation on which our democratic polity has to rest and thrive. It is the basis on which our citizens develop a sense of ownership of the state and its organs. Inequity can lead to large scale migration, disaffection and discord”.

He acknowledges what the public has been pointing out across political and social spectrums, that in this last phase of rapid economic growth, there has been an intensification of regional disparities, urban-rural disparities, though he skirts the frontal issue of intra people disparities.
The prescription is more investment in education and health and industrialization of rural areas, while bemoaning the slowing of growth in agriculture and calling attention to the challenge and the threat of food insecurity - put more boldly, of hunger and deprivation.
The concern on increasing disparities has been expressed somewhat differently by other groups - with a greater questioning also of the interpretation of the new buzz word or mantra ‘inclusion’, and inclusive growth.
The word is evocative and mesmerising perhaps because it is derived from a word that has been powerful, especially as articulated by dalits, of social “exclusion”. Inclusion as its opposite, thus has an evocation, emotive, political, powerful. However, what is almost totally left out of not merely the PM’s speech, but the entire exercise of the 11th Plan are people.

Examining sectoral chapters - especially key chapters such as agriculture, labour and employment, industry and especially the foreign exchange earning special industries such as export oriented industries and services and SEZ, apart from a break up of the sector called industry - it is found that women are some of the predominant contributors to this growth.
Women are 40 percent of agricultural workforce and the percentage is rising; The unorganised sector’s contribution to overall GDP is 56.7 per cent; 60 per cent of total savings comes from informal sector; 73 per cent of informal workers contributions come from home based work; 53 percent of all women workers are home based workers, women are more than 90 percent of workers in the informal economy; and 44 per cent of all women workers are involved in unpaid work.
In that value chain, women are the predominant ‘contributors’, often as unpaid family workers or self employed. Going to export oriented production of goods and services, women are predominant, if not the major value adders, whether it is BPO or SEZ. A study has found that savings, that the PM celebrates, largely comes from the SME.
In other words, it could somewhat imprecisely be argued that India’s women are the growth agents on which our Prime Minister and his colleagues are building the Indian dream of a powerful economic actor - and the informal economy is the base.
Interestingly, a deeper analysis of Chinese growth has also similar shades of being somewhat heavily borne on women’s backs. Perhaps if Mao Tse Tung was alive, he would say women hold up half the sky: Truly, women hold up half the economic sky. Perhaps if we had today a woman leader of high visibility - somewhat lacking in today’s globescape, she would have added ‘yes’. But their feet are in dirt and deprivation, even exclusion - if exclusion can be described as not being recognised, not being given an opportunity to participate intellectually, apart from valued physically.

Inclusion can be more than rhetoric. It has to be participation through provisioning of the knowledge which a social or an economic category has. Inclusion can also be an engine of growth as those who are knowing will bring their knowledge to bear on design and that knowledge can add value, as was recently revealed by a committee set up by the Planning Commission of women economist.
But as the late Raj Krishna with his graphic imagery had deplored or lamented, those in positions of decision making- and in those days he meant his colleagues on the cabinet as he used to be invited to cabinet meetings were “knowledge proof’. ‘Wo bathi nahi chalthi hai Saab ‘, he used to say with his characteristic laughter, using his hands to demonstrate a bulb that would not light up in the minds of those around the table. This neglect of who is adding value even for those who are obsessed with a particular kind of growth will be the Achilles Heel of this growth path.
It is also alarming that almost immediately after the NDC meeting, it is being staled that Naxalism has to be crushed with commandos. Another expert group set up by the Planning Commission on tribal areas and the analysis they made, clearly showed that the same point that the Prime Minister makes- disparate development, exclusion from development in tribal areas, in fact exploitation by the developers, was responsible for driving youth in tribal areas into Naxalism.
Thus Raj Krisha’s knowledge proof comment does seem somewhat on target. The regional disparity issue has to be broken down into more sophisticated classifications. Inclusion has to be respectful in that the excluded have to be included in articulation not only what they want, but their analysis of what is exclusion, as was pointed out by the committee of women economists.
Economic contributions and the way those contributions are either encroached upon or neglected, not even known if not valued, needs to be brought out to the screen. Evening out inequality requires bread, water and salt for those on whom Indian growth is riding.
